The Hairdryer Treatment

Apr 17

GABRIEL GARCÍA MÁRQUEZ | 1927-2014
Exuberant Master of Magic Realism

GABRIEL GARCÍA MÁRQUEZ | 1927-2014

Exuberant Master of Magic Realism

Apr 03

Syrian Refugees in Lebanon Surpass One Million
20% of Lebanon’s total population is now comprised of Syrians displaced in the last three years. 
This would be the equivalent of 71 million new refugees in the US.

Syrian Refugees in Lebanon Surpass One Million

20% of Lebanon’s total population is now comprised of Syrians displaced in the last three years. 

This would be the equivalent of 71 million new refugees in the US.

Mar 26

[video]

Mar 24

notaqueensphotoblog:


Soccer even has the power to turn the clock back (temporarily at least) on New York’s ceaseless migration patterns. Beyond the row of restaurants and bakeries on Mulberry Street in Little Italy, most of the southern Italians who came to the city in such large numbers in the early 20th century have since moved to the suburbs or up to Arthur Avenue in the Bronx. During this time, Chinese migration has dramatically increased in the area and Chinatown has practically swallowed up what remains of Little Italy. When the Azzuri play during the World Cup, however, the neighborhood reverts back to a sea of blue.
Outside Grotta Azzurra on Mulberry Street, tourist hordes buying Sopranos regalia and chasing overpriced cannolis vie for sidewalk space with Chinatown residents clutching pink plastic bags of produce. Inside, one of Grotta Azzurra’s bartenders, Jeffery Hernandez, discussed the World Cup in NYC with me over Peroni drafts as Frank Sinatra’s familiar baritone lingered overhead. Hernandez, like most of Little Italy waiters these days, hails not from southern Italy, but rather southern Mexico. Sort of. "You could say I crossed the border… my mom came over here from Chiapas when she was 14 years old and six months pregnant with me to give us a better opportunity," he told me.

From my Roads and Kingdoms/Sports Illustrated piece on why NYC is the greatest place on earth to watch the World Cup.

notaqueensphotoblog:

Soccer even has the power to turn the clock back (temporarily at least) on New York’s ceaseless migration patterns. Beyond the row of restaurants and bakeries on Mulberry Street in Little Italy, most of the southern Italians who came to the city in such large numbers in the early 20th century have since moved to the suburbs or up to Arthur Avenue in the Bronx. During this time, Chinese migration has dramatically increased in the area and Chinatown has practically swallowed up what remains of Little Italy. When the Azzuri play during the World Cup, however, the neighborhood reverts back to a sea of blue.

Outside Grotta Azzurra on Mulberry Street, tourist hordes buying Sopranos regalia and chasing overpriced cannolis vie for sidewalk space with Chinatown residents clutching pink plastic bags of produce. Inside, one of Grotta Azzurra’s bartenders, Jeffery Hernandez, discussed the World Cup in NYC with me over Peroni drafts as Frank Sinatra’s familiar baritone lingered overhead. Hernandez, like most of Little Italy waiters these days, hails not from southern Italy, but rather southern Mexico. Sort of. "You could say I crossed the border… my mom came over here from Chiapas when she was 14 years old and six months pregnant with me to give us a better opportunity," he told me.

From my Roads and Kingdoms/Sports Illustrated piece on why NYC is the greatest place on earth to watch the World Cup.

Mar 18

People play football at sunset on Ipanema Beach in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Photograph: Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP/Getty Images

People play football at sunset on Ipanema Beach in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Photograph: Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP/Getty Images

Mar 07

Hearts, Minds, and Stomachs: Gastrodiplomacy and the Potential of National Cuisine in Changing Public Perception of National Image

Feb 24

[video]

Feb 14

2014 World Press Photo of the year: Signal by John Stanmayer
African migrants on the shore of Djibouti city at night, raising their phones in an attempt to capture an inexpensive signal from neighboring Somalia—a tenuous link to relatives abroad. Djibouti is a common stop-off point for migrants in transit from such countries as Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea, seeking a better life in Europe and the Middle East.
Full 2014 World Press Photo Contest winners gallery
 

2014 World Press Photo of the year: Signal by John Stanmayer

African migrants on the shore of Djibouti city at night, raising their phones in an attempt to capture an inexpensive signal from neighboring Somalia—a tenuous link to relatives abroad. Djibouti is a common stop-off point for migrants in transit from such countries as Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea, seeking a better life in Europe and the Middle East.

Full 2014 World Press Photo Contest winners gallery

 

Feb 11

“… identities are the names we give to the different ways we are positioned by, and position ourselves within the narratives of the past.” — Stuart Hall

Feb 07

[video]

Feb 04

One night in Rio I spoke to a group of young men who said they’d joined a lot of the protests at the time of the Confederations Cup. They said they felt ‘torn in half’ by the World Cup. On the one hand, they were ferociously excited about the idea of having the world’s greatest players in their country. They couldn’t wait for the buzz, the matches, the ‘month long carnival’, and the celebrations which would follow the inevitable Brazilian victory.  At the same time, however, they were furious that billions would be poured into projects that would have little discernible benefit for them. They were tired of the two-hour commutes and of the poor quality of schools that their little brothers and sisters were studying at. They questioned the benefit of building a 71,000 capacity stadium in a city (Brasilia) without any kind of decent football team or of a 44,000 capacity stadium deep in the Amazon rainforest where crowds are counted in the hundreds rather than the thousands (Manaus). They felt they had ‘no chance’ of getting a ticket and they wondered how much of the billions would be squandered away on corruption.

Dec 21

(Source: notaqueensphotoblog, via notaqueensphotoblog)

Dec 18

Top Baker’s Dozen Albums of 2013…

image

these are the albums i liked the most in 2013… the year i completed dos mas insane semesters of grad school alongside full time ir work, 5 pointz got tragically erased, i managed to not break anything while still playing soccer in the best ‘amateur’ league in the country at a rather advanced age, lebanon and the wider middle east fell deeper into the abyss, i got published in my first academic and literary journals, sir alex bowed out in glory (glory), and i got engaged to a brilliant/hilarious/beautiful brazilian tropical fruit zealot in colombia. 

(in no particular order)

Product Details

Bombino - Nomad

Product Details
Black Milk - No Poison No Paradise
 
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Cuushie - Butterfly Case
 
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Telekinesis - Domarion
 
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La Yegros - Viene di Mi
 
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Kurt Vile - Walkin’ on a Pretty Daze
 
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Mashrou’ Leila - Raasuk
 
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Blood Orange - Cupid Deluxe
 
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Dur Dur Band - Volume 5
 
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Atoms for Peace - Amok
 
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John Wizards - John Wizards
 
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Pusha T - My Name is My Name

Product Details
William Tyler - Impossible Truth
_________________________________________________________
Honourable Mention…
Party Supplies - Tough Love
Danny Brown - Old
Devendra Banhart - Mala
Marsellus Wallace - 31 Days Mix
_________________________________________________________

Dec 17

“In a way the civil war of 1975-1990 liberated our memory. …The question is what to forget and what to remember.”
-Elias Khoury 
“Only by understanding that special mix of geography generally and landscape in particular with historical memory and, as I said, an arresting form of invention can we begin to grasp the persistence of conflict and the difficulty of resolving it.”
-Edward Said
The families and loved ones of the more than 17,000 forcibly disappeared and/or missing during the Lebanese civil war continue to demand their right to the truth. 
From 1975 until 1990, Lebanon’s brutal civil war, fought by a plethora of local actors alongside the backing of a variety of regional and international powers, resulted in 150,000 fatalities, widespread displacement, and wanton war crimes. 
As state institutions crumbled and divided, sectarian militia rule and foreign occupation flourished in large swaths of the country and a dark legacy of enforced disappearances terrorized much of the local population. Indeed, today, nearly 25 years after the Taif Agreement stitched together a much needed, but oft-tested peace accord, more than 17,000 individuals remain missing, many as a result of civil war-era forced disappearances. 
After the civil war, the “magic formula of la ghalib la maghlub (‘no victor, no vanquished’)” alongside “amnesty and amnesia” became the rationale for the transitional period from war to peace. This benefited the perpetrators of the crimes of the era, but not the victims.  
Indeed, Amnesty Law 84/91 “declared a general amnesty for all political crimes, including abductions, committed by armed groups during the civil war, while remaining silent about the victims and their families.” 
The fate of the missing during this period in Lebanon has yet to be holistically and meaningfully addressed and this has had continual repercussions on Lebanon’s national memory, prolonging the reconciliation process. 
In this context, and as Lebanon now dangerously hovers on the precipice of a new civil war stemming from sectarian spillover from the Syrian conflict, the application of a meaningful truth and memory instrument is more important than ever. 
The country’s political amnesia surrounding the missing and the forced disappearances of the civil war years is hindering its ability to move forward towards a more sustainable era of national reconciliation. The bullet-riddled buildings in West Beirut have largely been replaced by gleaming Gulf-financed high-rises; the wounds inflicted on the families of the disappeared, however, remain. 
The unresolved fate of those disappeared or missing is a particularly egregious crime against humanity that is felt by the victims’ families not only at the time it occurred, but years and decades after the fact, as Lebanon’s example clearly shows. These crimes primarily capitalize on fear—the fear that it could happen again to someone else; the fear of the unknown; the fear of never finding resolution. It also is an attack on memory and an assault on nostalgia, in the individual and collective sense, both of which are integral to the formulation and maintenance of identity. 
These crimes have also had profound psychological and emotional impacts, beyond the political and social ones. Psychologically, families of the missing are commonly afflicted with anxiety and depression, anger, guilt, helplessness, emotional disengagement, obsessiveness, mental confusion, and lack of motivation. 
Furthermore, such crimes have disproportionately affected Lebanese women, coping with the unresolved loss of their loved ones in a state of “frozen grief.” They live like “de facto widows, but not legally recognized as such, and therefore unable to assume any caretaker role for their children, benefit from inheritances, or even remarry.”
It is important to note that “the needs of families of the missing are largely described by the following: truth, human remains, resources, justice, support.” A strong, focused truth commission in Lebanon, in tandem with other transitional justice tools and with these elements in mind, would go a long way towards addressing the aforementioned needs of the over 17,000 long-suffering Lebanese and Palestinian families of those missing or disappeared during the civil war.

“In a way the civil war of 1975-1990 liberated our memory. …The question is what to forget and what to remember.”

-Elias Khoury

“Only by understanding that special mix of geography generally and landscape in particular with historical memory and, as I said, an arresting form of invention can we begin to grasp the persistence of conflict and the difficulty of resolving it.”

-Edward Said

The families and loved ones of the more than 17,000 forcibly disappeared and/or missing during the Lebanese civil war continue to demand their right to the truth.

From 1975 until 1990, Lebanon’s brutal civil war, fought by a plethora of local actors alongside the backing of a variety of regional and international powers, resulted in 150,000 fatalities, widespread displacement, and wanton war crimes.

As state institutions crumbled and divided, sectarian militia rule and foreign occupation flourished in large swaths of the country and a dark legacy of enforced disappearances terrorized much of the local population. Indeed, today, nearly 25 years after the Taif Agreement stitched together a much needed, but oft-tested peace accord, more than 17,000 individuals remain missing, many as a result of civil war-era forced disappearances.

After the civil war, the “magic formula of la ghalib la maghlub (‘no victor, no vanquished’)” alongside “amnesty and amnesia” became the rationale for the transitional period from war to peace. This benefited the perpetrators of the crimes of the era, but not the victims. 

Indeed, Amnesty Law 84/91 “declared a general amnesty for all political crimes, including abductions, committed by armed groups during the civil war, while remaining silent about the victims and their families.”

The fate of the missing during this period in Lebanon has yet to be holistically and meaningfully addressed and this has had continual repercussions on Lebanon’s national memory, prolonging the reconciliation process.

In this context, and as Lebanon now dangerously hovers on the precipice of a new civil war stemming from sectarian spillover from the Syrian conflict, the application of a meaningful truth and memory instrument is more important than ever.

The country’s political amnesia surrounding the missing and the forced disappearances of the civil war years is hindering its ability to move forward towards a more sustainable era of national reconciliation. The bullet-riddled buildings in West Beirut have largely been replaced by gleaming Gulf-financed high-rises; the wounds inflicted on the families of the disappeared, however, remain.

The unresolved fate of those disappeared or missing is a particularly egregious crime against humanity that is felt by the victims’ families not only at the time it occurred, but years and decades after the fact, as Lebanon’s example clearly shows. These crimes primarily capitalize on fear—the fear that it could happen again to someone else; the fear of the unknown; the fear of never finding resolution. It also is an attack on memory and an assault on nostalgia, in the individual and collective sense, both of which are integral to the formulation and maintenance of identity.

These crimes have also had profound psychological and emotional impacts, beyond the political and social ones. Psychologically, families of the missing are commonly afflicted with anxiety and depression, anger, guilt, helplessness, emotional disengagement, obsessiveness, mental confusion, and lack of motivation.

Furthermore, such crimes have disproportionately affected Lebanese women, coping with the unresolved loss of their loved ones in a state of “frozen grief.” They live like “de facto widows, but not legally recognized as such, and therefore unable to assume any caretaker role for their children, benefit from inheritances, or even remarry.”

It is important to note that “the needs of families of the missing are largely described by the following: truth, human remains, resources, justice, support.” A strong, focused truth commission in Lebanon, in tandem with other transitional justice tools and with these elements in mind, would go a long way towards addressing the aforementioned needs of the over 17,000 long-suffering Lebanese and Palestinian families of those missing or disappeared during the civil war.